LIVY

Book 1

1(1-3)

Book 2

 

Book 3

 

Book 4

 

Book 5

 

Book 6

 

Book 7

 

Book 8

 

Book 9

 

Book 10

 

Book 21

 

Book 22

1(1-2)

Book 23

 

Book 24

 

Book 25

32

Book 26

 

Book 27

 

Book 28

 

Book 29

 

Book 30

12(1-7,11-14)

BOOK 1

[1:1]

(1)  Now first of all it is generally agreed that after the taking of Troy, all the other Trojans were massacred; but that in favour of two, Aeneas and Antenor, both in accordance with an old tie of hospitality, and because they had always been advocates of peace and champions for the restoration of Helen, the Greeks forbore all the rights of war.  (2)  Their fortunes diverging from this point, Antenor penetrated to the innermost bay of the Adriatic Sea with a body of the Eneti, who through a civil commotion had been driven out of Paphlagonia and were looking both for a home and for a leader, their king Pylaemenes having been lost at Troy;  (3)  and after the expulsion of the Euganei who dwelt between the Alps and the sea the Eneti and the Trojans took possession of that country. The place where they first landed is called Troy, and in consequence the district is known as Trojan, but the people as a whole are called Venetians.

 

 

BOOK 2

 

 

BOOK 3

 

 

BOOK 4

 

 

BOOK 5

 

 

BOOK 6

 

 

BOOK 7

 

 

BOOK 8

 

 

BOOK 9

 

 

BOOK 10

 

 

BOOK 21

 

 

BOOK 22

[22:1]

(1)  Spring was now approaching; and so Hannibal moved from his winter quarters, having both previously attempted to cross the Apennines – in vain owing to the intolerable cold – and having remained with great danger and alarm.  (2)  The Gauls, whom the hope of booty and plundering had roused, when instead of themselves plundering the land of foreigners they saw that their own land was [being made] the seat of war, and that they were being burdened by the winter quarters of the armies of both parties, they transferred their hatred from the Romans to Hannibal;

 

 

BOOK 23

 

 

BOOK 24

 

 

BOOK 25

[25:32]

(1)  During the same summer in Spain, when in nearly two years nothing very memorable had been accomplished and the conduct of the war consisted more in [the laying of] plans than in [the use of] arms, the Roman commanders quitted their winter quarters and united their forces.  (2)  Thereupon a council was summoned and the opinions of all accorded, that, since up to that point their only object had been to prevent Hasdrubal marching into Italy, it was time that an effort should now be made to bring the war in Spain to a conclusion;  (3)  and they believed that the 20,000 Celtiberians, who had been induced to take arms that winter, formed an adequate addition to their forces for the purpose.  (4)  There were three armies [of the enemy]. Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo and Mago, their forces being united, were a journey of about five days away from the Romans.  (5)  Nearer was Hamilcar’s son Hasdrubal, a veteran commander in Spain;  (6)  he had an army near a town called Amtorgis. The Roman leaders wanted him to be crushed first; and there was hope that there were enough forces, and more than enough, for the purpose. But there remained this anxiety, lest, if he were routed, the other Hasdrubal [= son of Gisgo] and Mago should protract the war by withdrawing into trackless forests and mountains.  (7)  Thinking it, therefore, the best course to divide their forces into two parts and to embrace war throughout the whole of Spain at the same time, they divided between themselves in such a way that P. Cornelius should lead two thirds of the army, consisting of Romans and allied troops, against Mago and Hasdrubal;  (8)  while Cn. Cornelius, with the [remaining] third of the original army, with the addition of the Celtiberians, should carry on the war with the Barcine Hasdrubal.  (9)  The two leaders and their armies set out together, the Celtiberians preceeding them, and pitched their camp near the city of Amtorgis, within sight of the enemy, the river [only] separating them.  (10)  There Cn. Scipio halted, with the forces mentioned above, while P. Sipio proceeded to the portion of the war assigned to him.

 

 

BOOK 26

 

 

BOOK 27

 

 

BOOK 28

 

 

BOOK 29

 

 

BOOK 30

[30:12]

(1)  Then while Syphax was riding up to the squadrons of the enemy to see if he could check the flight [of his own troops] by shaming his men by his own danger,  (2)  his horse was severely wounded. He was thrown off, overpowered and captured; and, something that was to provide a happy sight to Masinissa in particular, he was dragged off alive to Laelius.  (3)  Cirta was the capital of Syphax's kingdom, and to that town a considerable number of fugitives had betaken themselves.  (4)  The casualties in this battle were small in comparison with the victory, because the fighting had been confined to the cavalry;  (5)  not more than 5000 men were killed, and less than half of that number were captured in an attack on the camp, to which the mass of troops had fled, shattered after the loss of their king.  (6)  Masinissa said that nothing would give him greater pleasure for the moment than to visit as conqueror his native kingdom, which had been recovered after so long and interval; but as in bad fortune, so in good fortune there was no time for dallying:  (7)  if Laelius would allow him to go on with the cavalry and the vanquished Syphax to Cirta, he would be able to take them by surprise while they were in a state of nervous alarm, and Laelius might follow with the infantry by easy stages.

~ BREAK ~

(11)  As he entered the forecourt Sophoniba the wife of Syphax and daughter of Hasdrubal the Carthaginian met him on the very threshold; and when in the midst of a band of armed men she caught sight of Masinissa, distinguished both by his arms and the rest of his attire, and supposing him to be the king, as was really the case, casting herself at his knees she said:  (12)  “The gods, together with your own valour and good fortune, have granted that you should be all-powerful over me. But if a captive may be allowed to utter a voice of supplication in the presence of one who is master of her life and death, if she may touch his knees and victorious right hand,  (13)  I pray and beseech you, by the majesty of royalty which I too enjoyed a little while ago, by the name of the Numidian people which you shared with Syphax, by the gods of this palace, whom I would have receive you with kindlier omens than those with which they sent Syphax hence,  (14)  to grant this favour to your suppliant, that you yourself should determine concerning your captive whatever your heart prompts, and that you do not allow me to come into the arrogant and cruel power of any Roman.  (15)