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[1] How long, pray, Catiline, will you presume
upon our patience? How much longer will that madness of yours still mock us?
Till what limit will your unbridled audacity display itself? Have you in no way
been affected by the nightly garrison on the Palatium, in no way by the patrols
in the city, in no way by the alarm of the people, in no way by the gathering
of all good citizens, in no way by this most defensible place for holding the
senate, in no way by the looks and countenances of these gentlemen here? Do you
fail to realise that your plans are in the open? Do you not see that your
conspiracy is already being held in check by the knowledge of all these
gentlemen? Which of us, do you think, does not know what you did last night,
what the night before, where you were, whom you called together, what plan you
adopted?
[2] O the times! O the conduct! The senate has
intelligence of these things, the consul sees them: yet this man lives. Lives?
Nay, he actually comes into the senate, takes part in a public meeting, noting
and singling out with his eyes each one of us for the slaughter. And yet we,
brave men that we are, flatter ourselves that we are doing our duty to the
State, should we avoid the frenzied attacks of that man. You ought long ago,
Catiline, have been led to execution by order of the consul; directed against
you that ruin which you are plotting against us.
[3] Did not that most distinguished man, P.
Scipio, the Pontifex Maximus, in his capacity as a private citizen, put to
death Tiberius Gracchus, when he was but slightly weakening the constitution;
and shall we who are consuls be putting up with Catiline, anxious to lay waste
the whole world with fire and slaughter? For I pass over those [next examples]
as too remote, namely that C. Servilius Ahala slew with his own hand Sp.
Maelius who was plotting a revolution. There was – was – once such virtue in
this republic, that brave men would curb a dangerous citizen with severer
punishment than the bitterest enemy. We have against you, Catiline, a
resolution of the senate, formidable and weighty; neither the advice nor the
sanction of this house are found wanting to the state. We, we, I say it openly,
we consuls are wanting in our duty.
[1] You see on this day, O Romans, the Republic,
and the lives of all of you, your property, your fortunes, your wives and
children, and this home of your illustrious government, this most fortunate and
beautiful city, by the great love of the immortal gods towards you, and by my
own labours and counsels and dangers, snatched from fire and the sword, I might
say from the very jaws of death, and preserved and restored to you.
[2] And if those days on which we are preserved
are no less happy and bright to us than those on which we are born, because the
joy of being saved is certain, whereas the lot to which we are born is
uncertain; and because we are born without any sensation of it, whereas it is
with a sensation of delight that we saved; assuredly then, since by our good
will and by our good report we have raised to the immortal gods him [=Romulus]
who founded this city, so that man ought to be held in honour by yourselves and
by your descendants, - the man who has brought this same city, already founded
and made great, to salvation. For the flames which were, so to speak, laid
under and placed around the entire city – temples, shrines, houses and walls –
these we have extinguished, and likewise we have blunted the swords drawn
against the republic, and fended off their sharp points from your throats.
[1] I observe, Gentlemen, that nobody holds it in
doubt that in Sicily C. Verres blatantly despoiled all property both sacred and
secular, private and public, and that he engaged in every form of robbery and
plunder, not only without any scruple but also without any concealment. But I
am informed that he does have one impressive and splendid line of defence, and
I must consider well in advance, Gentlemen, how I am to oppose it. For this is
the argument put forward by the defence, that thanks to his prowess and supreme
vigilance at a time of uncertainty and fear, the province of Sicily was saved
and made secure from the dangers of a war against runaway slaves.
[2] What am I to do, Gentlemen? Where am I to
direct my line of attack? Where do I turn? for to all my attacks the guise of
Verres' good generalship is thrown up like a wall. I know the game; I can see
where Hortensius is going to disport himself. The dangers of war, the crisis in
the state, and the shortage of generals are the things which he will dwell
upon; first he will beg it of you, then also of his own right he will exert
himself to see to it that you do not submit to having so fine a general
snatched from the Roman people on the evidence of Sicilians, and that you do
not consent to having a general's renown trampled on through accusations of
avarice.
[3] I cannot dissemble, Gentlemen; I am afraid
that C. Verres, because of this extraordinary prowess of his in matters
military, may prove to have done all that he did do without fear of punishment.
For there comes to mind what weight, what force the plea of M. Antonius is
considered to have had in the trial of M. Aquilus; who, as he was in his
speaking not only wise but also brave, at about the end of the case himself
took hold of M. Aquilus, stood him in full view of everyone and ripped his
tunic from his breast, so that the Roman people and the jury might see the
scars received on the front of his body; at the same time he spoke at length
about the wound which he had received on the head by the enemy chief, and he
brought those who were judging to the point of being seriously afraid that a
man whom fortune had snatched from enemy weapons (since he had not been
instrumental in saving himself) might appear to have been preserved not for the
renown of the Roman people but for the severity of the judges.
[4] Now the same plan and method of defence is
being attempted, the same object is being sought. ‘He may be a thief, he may be
a temple-robber, he may be the author of all forms of vice and iniquity; yet he
is a good general, and a lucky one, and one who must be preserved for the
critical emergencies of the republic.’ I will not plead against you in
strictest law; I will not make the point which perhaps I ought to carry - since
this court is convened by a specific law - namely that you are the one under
obligation to show not what brave deeds you may have performed in war, but how
you have kept your hands off other people’s money. I will not, I repeat, urge
this, but I will ask – as I perceive that you are willing that I should – what
have been the manner and the greatness of your services in war.
[5] What are you saying? That in the war with the
runaway slaves Sicily was freed by your valor? This is high praise and an
honourable statement; but in what war? For we have taken it so, after that war
which M. Aquilius finished, that there was no war in Sicily with runaway
slaves. ‘Ah, but there was in Italy’. I admit that – and a great and formidable
war it was. Are you then trying to claim for yourself some part of the credit
arising from that war? Do you think that you share the glory of that war with
M. Crassus or Gn. Pompeius? I do not think that this [claim] is too great a
stretch even for your impudence, to dare to say anything of that sort. Of
course you prevented [any part of] the forces of the runaway slaves from
crossing over into Sicily from Italy. Where? When? From which quarter? – [did
you prevent them] when they were trying to reach Sicily either on rafts or in
ships? For we have never heard anything whatever [of such an attempt]; but we
have heard this, that by the courage and strategem of M. Crassus, that most
valiant man, care was taken lest the runaway slaves cross the strait to Messina
by lashing rafts together; an attempt from which those men would not so greatly
have had to be prevented, if [at the time] there were reckoned to be any forces
in Sicily set up to oppose their invasion.
[1] To what fate of mine, Conscript Fathers,
shall I attribute it, that nobody has these 20 years been an enemy to the State
without at the same time declaring war on me also? Nor in truth is it necessary
that anyone should be named by me: recollect instances for yourselves. They
have paid me greater penalties than I could have wished: I marvel that you,
Antony, do not shudder at the end of those men whose deeds you are imitating.
And in the case of others I was less surprised at this. For none of those men
was unfriendly to me of his own will: all of them were attacked by me on behalf
of the State.
[1] If I have any natural
ability, gentlemen of the jury, and I am conscious how slight it may be, or any
practice in speaking, in which I do not deny that I am tolerably experienced,
or any theoretical knowledge whatever of this art [of speaking], proceeding
from enthusiastic instruction in the best accomplishments, to which [knowledge]
I confess that no period of my life has been a stranger,- of all these
advantages my client A. Licinius ought perhaps among the first, almost as his
peculiar right, to claim the interest from me. For as far as ever my mind can
look back upon the space of time past and recall the early memories of
boyhood,- retracing my recollections all the way from there, I see that Archis
here has stood out as a guide to me both in resolving to undertake and in
actually entering upon the course of these studies. Now if this voice of mine,
established by the encouragement of my client and by his precepts, has at times
been the instrument of safety to some, assuredly I ought, as far as in me lies,
to give both aid and protection to this very man from whom I received that by
which I was enabled to aid the rest [of my clients] and to save some of them.
[2] And lest anyone perchance be surprised at
this being said by me, on the ground that there is some other innate genius in
my client and not this theoretical knowledge of oratory and practical training
therein, [let him know that] I myself have never been wholly devoted to this
one study. For indeed all arts, which have a bearing upon culture, have a sort
of common tie and are interlinked as it were by a kind of close relationship.
[3] Now lest it appear surprising to any of you,
that I, in a statutory court and at a public trial, though an action is being
tried before so eminent a praetor of the Roman people and before most impartial
judges, in such a crowded assembly of people, - that I should be employing this
style of speaking, which is foreign not only to judicial usage but also to the
language of the Bar, I beg of you in this cause to grant me this indulgence,
appropriate to the present defendant (and, as I trust, not disagreeable to
you), namely, that you allow me, as speaking on behalf of an excellent poet and
a most learned man, before this concourse of such earnest lovers of
litterature, before men of such culture as you, and finally before such a
praetor as him who is presiding over the case, - that you allow me to speak
rather more freely than usual on cultural and literary pursuits, and, in the
mould of a character which, owing to its habits of studious seclusion, has
seldom been represented in courts and criminal processes, - that you allow me
to employ a somewhat novel and unusual style of speaking.
[4] And if I feel that that
[concession] is granted and allowed me by yourselves, I will assuredly cause
you to think that this A. Licinius should not only not be removed from the list
of citizens, since he is a citizen, but actually admitted to it, even if he
were not one. For when Archias first passed out of boyhood, and, leaving those
studies by which young boys are accustomed to be moulded towards refinement, he
devoted himself to the study of writing, first at Antioch – for he was born
there, and in high position – formerly a populous and wealthy city, and rich in
learned men and liberal pursuits, it fell to his good fortune swiftly to
surpass all in reputation for genius. Afterwards in the rest of Asia and over
all Greece his arrivals were greeted with such crowds that the expectations
formed about him exceeded the fame of his genius, even as the expectations were
exceeded by the arrival of the man himself and the admiration [which he
excited].
[1] Judges, if perchance
anyone were now present, ignorant of our laws and courts and customs, in my
opinion he would wonder what the great atrocity in this case might be, in that
this trial alone is being held during these days of festival and public games,
when all other legal business is interrupted, and he would not doubt that the
defendant was being prosecuted for a crime of such enormity that, were it
neglected, the state could no longer stand upright.
[1] Although, O Romans, the
sight of you in such crowds has always seemed to me the most gratifying
[experience] by far, and this place the most dignified for public business, and
most honourable for [public] speaking, nevertheless I have been held back from
this avenue to fame, which has always been wide open to every loyal citizen,
not indeed by my own will, but by my plan of life adopted from the time that I
entered on manhood. For while previously I did not yet dare to aspire to this
place of influence, and was resolved that nothing ought to be brought to this place
unless perfected by force of intellect and worked out with industry, I thought
that all my time should be devoted to the exigencies of my friends.
[1] Q. Mucius [Scaevola] was
accostomed to relate many things of C. Laelius, his father-in-law, from memory
and in a pleasant manner, and not to hesitate in every discourse to call him a
wise man. Moreover I myself, on assuming the toga of manhood, had been
introduced by my father to Scaevola on the condition that, as far as I could
and it was allowed, I should never depart from the old man’s side. Accordingly
many points skilfully discussed by him, also many short and apt sayings, I
committed to memory, and took pains to become better informed by his wisdom.
When he died I betook myself to Scaevola the pontiff, whom I venture to call by
far the most outstanding in our country both in ability and integrity. But of
him at another time: I now return to the augur.
[1] "O Titus, if I should
have assisted you at all, or alleviated the anxiety which now burns and
torments you, fixed [like a sting] in your breast, what will be my
reward?" For I may address you, Atticus, in the same lines in which he
addresses Flamininus, "That man of no great wealth, but rich in
loyalty." And yet I am quite sure that not, as Flamininus, "Are you, O Titus, so troubled
both day and night." For I know the moderation and equanimity of your
mind, and I am well aware that you have imported from Athens not only your
surname, but also gentle breeding and good sense. Nevertheless I suspect that
at times you too are quite grievously disturbed by the same things by which I
myself am; the consolation of which would require a greater treatise than this,
and must be put off for another time. But now I have decided to write something
dedicated to you on the subject of old age.
[11] Let me tell you, I've been
feeling quite banished since being in my villa at Formiae; when I was at
Antium, not a day passed but that I had a better knowledge of what was taking
place in Rome than those who were actually there. For your letters used to show
what was happening not only in Rome but also in the State, and they pointed not
only to current events but to likely developments as well. Now, unless anything
is picked up from a travelling wayfarer, I cannot learn a thing. So, although I
am expecting you presently, nevertheless do give that boy, whom I instructed to
hurry back to me at once, a nice bulky letter containing all that has happened,
and also your impressions, and mind you let me know the day on which you intend
to leave Rome. We want to stay at Formiae until 6 May. If you don't come before
that date, perhaps I shall see you in Rome; for why should I invite you to
Arpinum? "Rugged, but a good nursing-mother, nor can I at least see
anything sweeter than my own land". So much for now. Take care of your
health.
[5] (1) After news was brought to me of your daughter
Tullia's death, I was much troubled and distressed as I was indeed bound to be,
and looked upon it as a common disaster; and if I had been there at your side,
not only should I not have failed you but I should actually have made my grief
plain to you face to face. And although consolation in general is bitter and
painful, because the very persons whose duty it is to offer it, the relatives
and friends, are themselves overcome by like sorrow, and cannot essay this
without many tears, so that they seem to need consolation from others rather
than to be able to show this kindness to others. However, I have decided to set
down briefly the thoughts that have occurred to my mind concerning the present
occasion, not because I imagine they are escaping your attention, but because
you may perhaps be hindered by sorrow from viewing them with clarity. (2) Why is it that your private grief should be
disturbing you so greatly? Think of the way in which fortune has hitherto dealt
with us: that we have had snatched from us things that ought to be no less dear
to human beings than their children - country, honour, position, all official
posts. What could be added to your sorrow by the addition of this one
misfortune? Or how should the spirit, trained in those things, not become
hardened by now and regard all else of less account? (3) Or is it on her account, tell me, that you
grieve? How often must you have come to this conclusion - and it has often
occurred to me also - in these times that those have not been treated worst who
have been allowed to pass without pain from life to death! But what was there
that could greatly entice her to live at this time? What possession, what
prospect, what comfort of soul? That she should spend her life in alliance with
some young man of rank? No doubt you might, by virtue of your station, have
chosen from among the youth of today a son-in-law to whose safe-keeping you
would think you could safely entrust your child. Or was it that she might bear
children in whom she might take delight when she saw them growning up, and who
might preserve by their own efforts the wealth bequeathed to them by their
parent; who might stand for magistracies in the state in due progression, and
employ their independence in the interests of friends? Which of these
privileges is it that has not been taken away before ever being given? But, you
will say, it is an evil to lose one’s children. An evil true; only this is a
worse one, to bear and suffer these present ills.
[1] If some bodily distress or
the frailty of your health kept you from coming to the games, I credit it to
chance rather than to your own good sense; but if you considered these objects
of general wonderment beneath you, and, though you might have come as far as
your health was concerned, but still chose not to, I rejoice in both instances,
namely that you were both free from physical distress and that you were strong
in mind, in that you disregarded these spectacles which others marvel at
without reason - provided that you reaped the full fruits of your leisure,
which you certainly had a wonderful opportunity to enjoy, seeing that you were
left almost alone in that delightful spot.
[1] At a time when I was
finally released, entirely or to a large extent, from my labours in conducting
defenses and from my senatorial duties, I had recourse again – chiefly, Brutus,
on your encouragement – to those studies which, though stored in memory,
partially put aside through circumstances, broken off after a long interval, I
now resumed; and since the principles and rules of all arts which relate to the
right way of living depend on the study of wisdom, which is called philosophy,
I thought I should illustrate this in Latin, not that philosophy could not be
understood in the Greek literature and from Greek teachers, but it has always
been my opinion that in everything our people have either by themselves made
wiser discoveries than the Greeks, or have improved upon what they received
from them, at least in those subjects which they have considered worthy of
devoting their attention to.